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The article critically analyzes the statements made by senior members of the Trump administration, specifically Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Trade Advisor Peter Navarro, regarding India's role in the Russia-Ukraine conflict. The core argument presented is that these US officials are unfairly blaming India for the continuation of the war due to India's purchase of Russian oil, which they claim provides revenue to Russia, thereby hampering efforts to end the conflict. The author vehemently refutes this claim, asserting that India has no direct involvement in the eruption or continuation of the conflict, which is characterized as a proxy war waged by the West against Russia. India, according to the article, has consistently advocated for dialogue and diplomacy and has even offered to assist in resolving the situation. The author argues that the West's significant supply of arms and funds to Ukraine, aimed at inflicting a strategic defeat on Russia, has failed, and now, facing a potential strategic defeat themselves, the West is attempting to deflect blame onto India. The article further delves into Navarro's claim that India is importing more Russian oil than it needs, refining it, exporting the refined products, and profiting significantly in the process. This is portrayed as hypocritical, considering the US and Europe's implementation of a price cap on Russian oil to limit Russia's revenue while ensuring its availability to stabilize global oil markets. The author emphasizes that India officially stated that the US had advised it to purchase Russian oil with this aim in view. Moreover, it is highlighted that even during the Trump administration, the issue of India buying Russian oil was never officially raised, yet a 25% tariff penalty was imposed on India for doing so. The article points out that India did not force the sale of refined products on any country, with Europe being the primary buyer. It also notes the involvement of US companies in this trading and the profits they are generating. The author further criticizes the US for pushing Europe to buy American LNG instead of cheaper Russian gas, which allegedly led to the destruction of the Nord Stream pipeline. This action is contrasted with the Western discourse advocating against targeting critical infrastructure. The narrative expands to the US-EU deal on tariffs, where the US reportedly compelled Europe to buy $750 billion of American LNG over the next three years in exchange for lower tariffs. The anticipated profits for US oil companies from this deal are not met with any criticism from Bessent and Navarro, according to the article. Similarly, the EU's purchase of US defense equipment, providing substantial profits for US defense companies, is not questioned. The article highlights Trump's agreement to supply arms worth $90 billion to Europe for transfer to Ukraine, allowing the US to distance itself from direct responsibility for the ongoing conflict. The sale of 3,350 extended-range attack munition (ERAM) air-launched missiles to Europe for transfer to Ukraine is also mentioned. The author contrasts the apparent lack of concern regarding these arms supplies with the criticism directed at India for buying oil from Russia. The article invokes Calvin Coolidge's famous statement that 'the business of America is business' and the corporate emphasis on shareholder value maximization. It questions why Bessent and Navarro find it wrong for Indian companies to buy discounted Russian oil to make legitimate profits and increase shareholder value. The author finds it ironic that members of the business-oriented Trump administration are criticizing business decisions made by others. The article challenges the accusation that Indian businesses are acting as 'laundromats' for Russia by legally buying oil from Russia at discounted prices imposed by the US, deeming it unqualified hypocrisy. It is argued that India is adding value by refining the oil and meeting existing external demand, which was ironically created by the US and EU's sanctions on Russia and their subsequent efforts to mitigate the costs of their decisions. The author questions the basis for determining the 'needs' of the US, considering its massive imports from the rest of the world at low prices to sustain high consumption levels, leading to substantial trade deficits. The article also points out the inconsistency in the US approach towards China, which is the largest importer of Russian oil and gas, with imports reaching 108 million metric tons in 2024. The US and Europe have officially called on China to cease providing military assistance to Russia, suggesting that this would end the conflict in Ukraine. However, because China buys Russian oil and gas through pipelines under long-term contracts, the price cap is irrelevant. The article suggests that the tariff pause with Beijing is being extended to allow for a 'beautiful deal' because China is retaliating against the US by restricting the export of certain critical materials. The article further scrutinizes Navarro's justification for treating India and China differently. Navarro claims that India has increased its supplies from Russia from about 1% to 30-35% of its total oil purchases, while China's imports from Russia have remained steady at around 20%. He asserts that China, unlike India, has diversified its sources. The article refutes this, stating that India maintains diverse sources of oil imports as a matter of policy. Even now, Russia only supplies about 20% of India's needs. The article projects that in 2025, 20-23% of India's imports will come from Iraq, 16-18% from Saudi Arabia, and 18-20% from Russia. Additionally, 8-10% will be fulfilled by the UAE, 6-7% by the US, and 5-6% from Nigeria and other West African countries. The article clarifies that China's oil purchases from Russia have remained steady because it buys from Iran, which is under US sanctions, an issue the US has chosen to ignore. The central conclusion is that US pressure on India regarding its purchases of Russian oil is unwarranted and discriminatory, and India is justified in resisting it. The author, Kanwal Sibal, a former Foreign Secretary and Ambassador, emphasizes that these are his personal opinions.
The core of the essay lies in dissecting the perceived hypocrisy and double standards exhibited by the Trump administration, specifically through the statements and actions of figures like Scott Bessent and Peter Navarro. The central argument revolves around the unfair targeting of India for its purchase of Russian oil, which is portrayed as a means of funding the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. The author meticulously dismantles this accusation, highlighting the multifaceted complexities and inconsistencies inherent in the Western approach to the Russia-Ukraine war and its economic implications. The author effectively leverages a series of counter-arguments to challenge the narrative propagated by the US officials. Firstly, the essay underscores that India has consistently advocated for peaceful resolution through dialogue and diplomacy. It is emphasized that India's role has been one of seeking peaceful solutions rather than exacerbating the conflict. This contrasts sharply with the West's approach of providing substantial military aid to Ukraine, aimed at inflicting a strategic defeat on Russia. This action is presented as a significant factor in the prolongation of the conflict. Secondly, the essay highlights the self-serving nature of the West's economic policies. The author argues that the price cap imposed on Russian oil by the US and Europe was designed to stabilize global oil markets while simultaneously limiting Russia's revenue. India's decision to purchase Russian oil, it is claimed, was even encouraged by the US as a means of achieving this objective. The author questions the rationale behind penalizing India for doing what it was seemingly encouraged to do. Thirdly, the essay draws attention to the active participation of US companies in the trade of refined products derived from Russian oil. The author points out that US companies have been profiting from this trade, yet no criticism is directed towards them. This is contrasted with the scrutiny and condemnation directed towards Indian companies engaged in similar activities. The essay also addresses the US's efforts to replace Russian gas with American LNG in Europe. This policy, which has resulted in significant profits for US companies, is presented as a further example of economic self-interest driving Western actions. The author suggests that the destruction of the Nord Stream pipeline was a consequence of this policy. The essay then transitions to a broader critique of US trade practices and the application of tariffs. The author highlights the inconsistency in the US's approach to China, which is the largest importer of Russian oil and gas. The author suggests that the US is willing to overlook China's economic ties with Russia due to strategic considerations. This is contrasted with the punitive measures imposed on India. The essay emphasizes India's diverse sources of oil imports, challenging the notion that India is overly reliant on Russian oil. The author provides statistics demonstrating that Russia accounts for a relatively small portion of India's overall oil imports. In contrast, the essay points out that China continues to purchase significant amounts of oil from Iran, which is under US sanctions. This is presented as another example of the US selectively enforcing its sanctions policies. Ultimately, the essay concludes that the US's pressure on India regarding its purchases of Russian oil is unwarranted and discriminatory. The author portrays India as a responsible actor that is pursuing its economic interests while also adhering to international norms. The essay serves as a strong defense of India's foreign policy and a critique of the perceived hypocrisy of the US government.